In the early months of 2002, the nation's capital was teeming with politicians and pundits alike extolling the United States as the arbiter of justice and the emancipator of the repressed. The senators claimed that Afghanistan would never be abandoned again, as it was after the withdrawal of the Soviet Union in 1989. Perhaps history had afforded the world and the United States a second chance in Afghanistan. Whether we would learn was still questionable. When Chairman Hamid Karzai visited the Whitehouse on January 28, 2002, shortly after the liberation of Afghanistan, President Bush announced: "Two days ago, for the first time since 1979, an American flag was raised over the U.S. Agency for International Development's mission in Kabul. That flag will not be lowered. It will wave long into the future, a symbol of America's enduring commitment to Afghanistan's future." The American flag remains, but an enduring American commitment to Afghanistan's future is increasingly absent these days.
It was quite embarrassing that this year's aid budget featured a noticeable absence of assistance for Afghanistan; only after rumblings in the Congress did the administration cite it as an error, and earmark $300 million to the impoverished nation. Can it be true that the United States has already abandoned Afghanistan? Whenever Ari Fleisher, the White House press secretary, or other administration officials speak, they extol Afghanistan as the success of all successes. Even many commentators, who criticize President Bush, remain impressed with his successful policies in Afghanistan.
As the United States began its offensive against the Taliban, most people admitted that victory would be easy. The real test would be the post-conflict reconstruction and stabilization efforts. A full year after its liberation, Afghanistan remains plagued by abject poverty and crippling instability. The head of state, Chairman Karzai, is mockingly referred to as the mayor of Kabul, a direct reference to his lack of control outside the capital city. Even inside the city, the scarce peacekeepers that have been committed to Afghanistan are hard-pressed to control the situation. This past weekend a remote-controlled explosion severely wounded a Dutch peacekeeper and killed an Afghan translator. Outside of Kabul, warlords such as Rashid Dostum and Atta Mohammad remain supreme. This past week, a fatal gunfight broke out between their two factions in the northern province of Faryab. From Mazar-i-Sharif to Kandahar, stability is hard to come by in Afghanistan. Despite the chaotic nature of the country, and the mass proliferation of small arms, peacekeeping troops number only 5,000, and none outside Kabul. This is remarkable when compared to the tens of thousands of troops committed elsewhere such as the Balkans, and West Africa. This past summer, I had the chance to ask Secretary Rumsfeld about this issue. He remarked that there simply was not enough funding and forces available. This is hard to believe as the United States masses hundreds of thousands of troops outside Iraq, and prepares to spend in excess of $100 billion for an invasion and occupation.
In terms of funding and reconstruction, Afghanistan was to be the recipient of a 21st century Marshall Plan. To date, this has yet to come to fruition, and much of the country, despite some successful projects, remains without hope. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has seen only $20 million of the $194 million pledged for the country this year. In total, $4.5 billion was pledged to the country in Tokyo last year through 2004; not only is that figure grossly inadequate, many donors are reluctant to follow through on their commitments. However, it is not only a matter of money that is cause for despair in Afghanistan. For example, Afghanistan has once again become the world's leading source of opium as production has surged under Karzai after a lull under the Taliban. Even the liberation of Afghan women seems to have been a false hope, according to a recent UN report: "Intimidation and violence by regional and local commanders against women continues unabated. Taliban-like restrictions continue to be applied to women in some parts of the country." In fact, many girls' schools have also been attacked or bombed in the past year.
Although victory remains distant, all hope is not yet lost for Afghanistan. Despite the fact that the looming conflict with Iraq is overshadowing the despair of Afghans, we should not forget Afghanistan. The United States has both a moral and political commitment to rebuild and develop the nation. It cannot allow the nation to fall into the abyss that it was in just two years ago, which would make it vulnerable again to groups such as Al-Qaeda. Moreover, the rest of the world has been observing keenly the failure of the international community and in particular the United States in its effort at nation-building in Afghanistan. George W. Bush must be careful that his shining example of success in the American war on terrorism not become a symbol of American apathy and failure.