Everybody knows Ronald Reagan provided the quintessential model for delegating presidential authority. While his knowledge of specific policies was sometimes shockingly limited, he pointed policy in general directions, relying on sharp advisors to plan and execute details.
And while we hear plenty of rhetoric about how George W. Bush lacks the mental firepower to lead the country, we also hear that he is an effective manager. His willingness to delegate authority reflects his keen management instincts. He models his administration on that of his father, his administrating on that of Reagan.
All this is good and admirable; we just have to hope President Bush is assertive enough with his minions that they don't take him (and us) for a ride.
For example, it's not entirely troubling that Al Gonzales' name appears on the unofficial list of candidates to fill one of two probable vacancies on the Supreme Court this summer. While he was governor of Texas, Bush appointed Gonzales as his general counsel, then as Texas Secretary of State and finally as state supreme court justice. In January, Bush brought Gonzales to Washington to serve as White House chief counsel.
And while Gonzales is clearly close to Bush, he's not a relentless Clarence Thomas conservative. He has been described as "fiercely pro-business" but received an award from the Texas State Bar Association for his work providing legal aid to the poor. In addition, he once voted to permit minors to obtain abortions without parental consent. He would also be the first Latino Supreme Court justice, and his nomination would certainly find bipartisan support in the Senate.
The only unusual thing about all this is that Bush originally just asked Gonzales to locate Supreme Court candidates for nomination; Gonzales seems to have included his own name on the short list.
But more importantly, this nomination will be Bush's second constitutionally-mandated appointment. He made his first when he found a running mate, or rather when he charged Dick Cheney with finding a running mate for him.
Cheney surveyed a wide array of Bush allies before coming to the obvious conclusion that everyone would be deeply inferior to himself. Bush thanked Cheney for his hard search by rubber-stamping the self-selection.
This comparison is somewhat unfair, as many suggested Gonzales would be a good justice even before Bush tapped him to head the search; Cheney was nowhere on the radar screen until he tapped himself. But if advisors are bold about dictating their own promotions, how bold might they be about dictating policies?
This question brings us back to Reagan. While we can debate the ethics of covert arms-for-hostages operations in general, it is a fact that under Reagan, some National Security Council members pursued a policy that the rest of the NSC had explicitly and immediately rejected.
Did Reagan need to know that some NSC members were selling arms to Iran through Israel and diverting the profits to Nicaraguan rebels? Gee, I kind of think so. But when Reagan said no, his subordinates decided they knew better, so they went ahead and did it anyway — probably without permission.
Now, I'm not saying we're destined for another Iran-Contra scandal, and I'm not saying that it's comparable when presidential advisors award themselves big promotions. But bad things happen when bureaucrats perceive a vacuum of power.

So far, it's hard to say how power is flowing in the new administration. It's not comforting that Donald Rumsfeld '54 and Paul O'Neill are old buddies of the Cheneys and not the Bushes. Nor is the fact that Rumsfeld and Cheney differ from Colin Powell and Condoleeza Rice on Korea and Taiwan, or that Bush's own statements differ from both factions.
But let's give them some time. It takes a while to set up a government; when Bush smoothes out the rough edges, we'll be able to tell what kind of administration he's going to run. Or, for that matter, whether he'll be the one running it.
(Joe Dague is a politics major from Carlisle, PA. He can be reached at joedague@princeton.edu)